https://www.cnn.com/2019/04/08/africa/libya-airstrike-tripoli-airport-intl/index.html
2019-04-09 08:33:00Z
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CNN's Nada Bashir in London and Saskya Vandoorne in Paris contributed to this report.


Responding to the Trump administration's decision to list the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist group, Iran on Tuesday officially listed U.S. military personnel in the Middle East as terrorists.
Iran's hardliner faction intends for that response to deter the U.S. from continuing its pressure campaign against Iran. It wants the U.S. to fear attacks on its forces in the Middle East. But while it is likely that the IRGC will lash out in some fashion, their fury is really a function of fear, not confidence.
The Iranian hardliners know that Trump's action will hamper the IRGC's ability to earn foreign capital. That's because foreign companies, and European ones in particular, will fear doing business in Iran lest they face new U.S. sanctions. Considering that the IRGC controls critical industries in the Iranian economy, such as the telecommunications and energy sectors, Trump's listing is a big problem for the organization.
IRGC commanding officer Mohammad Ali Jafari proved as much Sunday when he warned that “If (the Americans) make such a stupid move, the U.S. Army and American security forces stationed in West Asia will lose their current status of ease and serenity." Trying to placate the hardliners, the more-moderate foreign minister Javad Zarif called for the U.S. military's Central Command to be listed as a terrorist organization. Pro-hardliner media have also hinted at Iranian terrorist reprisals, warning that Trump's action will mean more chaos in the Middle East.
Nevertheless, it's clear the hardliners feel increasingly encircled. This situation is unstable.
Israeli settlers celebrate the Jewish Purim holiday at al-Shuhada street in the divided West Bank town of Hebron, on March 21. Hazem Bader/AFP/Getty Images hide caption
When it came down to a final issue for Israeli voters to ponder before Tuesday's election, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made an extraordinary campaign pledge: If re-elected, he said on Saturday, he would annex Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank.
Such a move would represent a dramatic, far-right policy change for Israel, staking a permanent claim over lands Palestinians demand for their own state.
Even if it is an election tactic to energize his nationalist base, Netanyahu's annexation pledge is a fitting final chord to a decade of his administration, which began with a reluctant embrace of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and ended with the chances of such an outcome dwindling to a new low point.
Since Netanyahu returned to office in 2009, the Jewish settler movement has grown in size and influence. That evolution was apparent last month in the West Bank city of Hebron.
In one of the West Bank's tensest cities — where several hundred Israeli settlers live in guarded enclaves among some 200,000 Palestinians — Israelis dressed up in costume and paraded down the main street. It was the Jewish carnival holiday of Purim, but the settlers were celebrating more than just the religious festivities.
In January, they had successfully lobbied Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to expel an international observer group, tasked with patrolling Hebron and making Palestinians in the city feel safe after an Israeli settler killed 29 Palestinian worshippers there on Purim in 1994.
Chicago native and Hebron settler Yisrael Zeev is in costume as a pipe-smoking farmer and driving a float in the Purim holiday parade. A red swath from the uniform of an international observer from the recently expelled Temporary International Presence in Hebron flutters on a pole. Daniel Estrin/NPR hide caption
"We will not allow the continuation of an international force that acts against us," Netanyahu said in a statement about the Temporary International Presence in Hebron.
Settlers accused the organization of causing friction and undermining Israeli rule in the city. But member countries of the group criticized the closure of the mission, saying the observers "promoted conflict resolution between Israelis and Palestinians" and helped prevent violence.
It was Netanyahu, during his first term in office in 1996, who had allowed for the founding of the unarmed civilian group.
"Apparently they were very temporary, and we are the permanent Israeli presence in Hevron," said Yisrael Zeev, an Israeli settler in the city, calling the city by its Hebrew name.
Zeev drove a float in the parade dressed as an American farmer, with a swath of an observer's uniform flapping from a pole like the flag of a vanquished enemy. Some settlers, including a candidate for national elections, dressed in costume as the expelled international observers.
Israeli settlers celebrate the Jewish Purim holiday at al-Shuhada street in the divided West Bank town of Hebron. Daniel Estrin/NPR hide caption
"Everything's going in the right direction," Zeev said.
Israel captured the West Bank in 1967, and has occupied it ever since. Both Israelis and Palestinians have historical ties there.
In 2009, a few months after entering office, Netanyahu gave a speech that has become famous: For the first time, he publicly called for the creation of Palestinian state. He was facing pressure from then-President Obama, who advocated for a Palestinian state alongside Israel: a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
But it didn't stop Netanyahu from enlarging Jewish settlements in the occupied land. Apart from a 10-month settlement construction freeze at Obama's request, Netanyahu's government has continued to build homes for Israelis in the West Bank, leaving the map of what could be left for a Palestinian state looking like Swiss cheese.
Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu is depicted in a poster in Hebron, calling on him to restore Jewish settlements in the northern West Bank that were uprooted by a former prime minister in 2005. Daniel Estrin/NPR hide caption
About three-quarters of the construction has taken place in settlements deep in the West Bank "that Israel will probably need to evict in the framework of a two-state agreement," said Hagit Ofran of Peace Now, a settlement watchdog group that examines aerial photos to count each settlement unit built. The homes range from spacious U.S. suburb-style homes to multifamily structures to trailers set up on a hill.
"Every year they build at least 2,000 units, which means thousands of new settlers every year in the West Bank," Ofran said. "If we want to have peace, specifically where Netanyahu is building is in places that will be harder to compromise."
The phenomenon of completely new settlements, which Israel previously stopped, was renewed during Netanyahu's tenure. Settlers built a few dozen small outposts without government permission but with Israel largely turning a blind eye, Ofran said.
By the time Netanyahu ran for re-election in 2015, he vocally opposed a Palestinian state. Recently, according to Peace Now figures, Israel has advanced more plans for settlement construction, with little opposition from President Trump.
"The evolution isn't just that [Netanyahu has] gone more to the right. It's that the entire country has gone more to the right, because the Palestinians have killed a lot of their support in Israel," said Israeli political analyst Reuven Hazan.
Most of the Israeli public doesn't believe a peace deal is possible now, he said, with instability in the Middle East and a fractured Palestinian leadership divided between the militant Hamas in Gaza and a weakened Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.
"The prospects of a peace partner or a viable peace process is not something that you can sell to the man or woman on the street, nor can you win an election on today," Hazan said.
Mufid Sharabati, a Palestinian, on his roof in Hebron. Daniel Estrin/NPR hide caption
In the runup to Tuesday's elections, two dozen senior government ministers and lawmakers released video statements endorsing a policy once considered fringe. Instead of negotiating with Palestinians about the West Bank, they're calling for Israel to unilaterally annex parts of it.
Netanyahu resisted that move for years. But last month, following Trump's backing of Israel's annexation of land it captured from Syria in 1967, Netanyahu argued Israel has the right to keep land it seized in war.
In a TV interview on Saturday, just days before the elections, he pledged to "impose Israeli sovereignty" over Jewish settlements if re-elected, including isolated ones deep in the West Bank. In a weekend meeting with settler leaders, Netanyahu said he would do so "immediately" after the vote, said settler leader Yossi Dagan. The U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem declined comment.
Palestinians see the chances of having their own state slipping away.
In Hebron, Palestinian resident Mufid Sharabati stands on his roof and counts the abandoned homes — about 10 that he can see. He says about 60 Palestinian families left the neighborhood in the last five years because life among Israeli settlers and soldiers has become too difficult.
There have been reports of settler harassment of Palestinians, as well as a recent wave of Palestinian stabbings against soldiers in the city. Sharabati says he must show Israeli soldiers his assigned number, 711, written in Sharpie on his ID cover, to enter the enclave he lives in alongside Israeli settlers. He is part of a civil society campaign called "Dismantle the Ghetto."
Israelis dressed up in costume as Palestinian Muslim women, for the Jewish Purim holiday, in Hebron. Daniel Estrin/NPR hide caption
Jewish settlers in Hebron say it is important they live in the city because of its biblical history — as the traditional site of the tomb of Abraham and other ancestors — and because it was home to an old Jewish community that ended when Arabs killed some 69 Hebron Jews in 1929.
Israelis often view Hebron as an extreme example of Israeli-Palestinian friction — the only place in the West Bank where Israeli settlers live under military guard in the heart of a city among Palestinians.
"There is nothing extreme about Hebron," said Yehuda Shaul of Breaking the Silence, a left-wing Israeli veterans group shunned by Netanyahu's government for its work collecting unflattering soldier testimonies about their service in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. "Restrictions of movement do you have only in Hebron? All over the West Bank. Settler violence in Hebron? You have all over the West Bank. Military presence only in Hebron? All over the West Bank."
The Palestinian-only part of Hebron is accessible from the settler area through a military checkpoint. Palestinian politics professor Assad Aweiwei stands on the Palestinian side. He's not allowed to cross through.
"This is apartheid politics," he said. "We must change the condition. We must be equal in this land. We can live together."
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas failed to deliver on his promise of an independent Palestinian state, and a growing number of Palestinians — including Aweiwei — advocate one shared state with Israelis. Aweiwei says Palestinians would likely become the majority, like apartheid South Africa became a black-majority democracy.
In the last decade under Netanyahu, Israel has approved more settlement housing in Hebron, and invested in tourism, archaeology and educational tours to normalize the tense city for average Israelis who tend to avoid it. Daniel Estrin/NPR hide caption
That would put an end to Israel as a Jewish state.
In the last decade under Netanyahu, Israel has approved more settlement housing in Hebron, and invested in tourism, archaeology and educational tours to normalize the tense city for average Israelis who tend to avoid it — Israelis like Ophir Solonikov.
In late March, he visited Hebron for the first time on his 50 birthday and on the Purim holiday. He's not a Netanyahu voter, not a settler, and not religious. But he sees the West Bank city — where Jewish and Muslim traditions say Abraham is buried — as a part of Israel.
Solonikov thinks Israel should pay Palestinians to leave — a policy promoted by a far-right libertarian candidate he supports, Moshe Feiglin, who is shaping up to be an influential kingmaker in the close election race.
"I dunno," Solonikov said as holiday music blared, "if you do it in good will, it's a good idea."
Forces under the command of Libya's renegade General Khalifa Haftar have launched an air raid against the only functioning airport in Tripoli as heavy fighting rages for control of the capital.
Al Jazeera's Mahmoud Abdelwahed, reporting from Tripoli, said services at the Mitiga airport in the east of the city were temporarily suspended after the attack on Monday.
"Passengers have been asked to evacuate the Mitiga airport after Haftar's aircraft raided the runway," he said, citing sources at the facility.
"In the area around the airport, civilians were terrified immediately after this air strike."
No casualties were reported in the airport strike.
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| The empty Mitiga International Airport after services were temporarily suspended [Mahmud Turkia/AFP] |
In a statement, Ghassan Salame, the United Nations' envoy to Libya, condemned the LNA's air raid which targeted the only airport in Tripoli that is available for civilian use.
"As such, this attack constitutes a serious violation of international humanitarian law which prohibits attacks against civilian infrastructure," he said.
SRSG @GhassanSalame condemns the aerial attack today by LNA aircraft against Meitiga airport. Full statement: https://t.co/TQmRuva70p pic.twitter.com/tE7WgTMEer
— UNSMIL (@UNSMILibya) April 8, 2019
Haftar last week ordered his self-styled Libyan National Army (LNA), which is allied to a parallel administration in the east, to march on Tripoli, the seat of the internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) which is protected by an array of militias.
The showdown threatens to further destabilise war-wracked Libya, which splintered into a patchwork of rival power bases following the overthrow of former leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011.
It also risks torpedoing a UN-led national reconciliation conference scheduled for April 14-16 aimed at hammering out a peace deal and set a roadmap for long-delayed elections.
Haftar, who was a general in Gaddafi's army before defecting and spending years living in the United States, casts himself as an enemy of "extremism". His opponents, however, view him as a new authoritarian leader in the mould of Gaddafi.
The heavy fighting has so far displaced 2,800 people, according to the UN.
The GNA's health ministry said at least 27 people, including civilians, have been killed since the start of the offensive, with at least 27 wounded.
According to the LNA's media office, 22 of their troops have been killed.
The World Health Organization also said two doctors were killed trying to "evacuate wounded patients from conflict areas".
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| Fighting was under way on Monday at Tripoli's old airport [Mahmud Turkia/AFP] |
Maria do Valle Ribeiro, the UN humanitarian coordinator in Libya, said the clashes around Tripoli have prevented emergency services from reaching casualties and civilians, and have damaged electricity lines.
The increased violence is also worsening the situation for people held in migrants detention centres in the Libyan capital, she warned.
Detained refugees and migrants told Al Jazeera they are "terrified" about what will happen to them, with some saying they have been left without food or water and others saying they had been taken from their cells and forced to move weapons.
Meanwhile, fighting was under way on Monday at Tripoli's former international airport on the southern edge of Tripoli.
The disused facility has been abandoned since 2014, after suffering heavy damage during fierce clashes between armed groups.
Activists accuse Haftar's forces of committing human rights violations, with Human Rights Watch saying in a statement on Saturday that LNA fighters "have a well-documented record of indiscriminate attacks on civilians, summary executions of captured fighters, and arbitrary detention".
But the right group's statement also noted that militias affiliated with the GNA and based in western Libya "also have a record of abuses against civilians".
SOURCE: Al Jazeera and news agencies

FILE - In this Sept. 21, 2016 file photo, Iran's Revolutionary Guard troops march in a military parade marking the 36th anniversary of Iraq's 1980 invasion of Iran, in front of the shrine of late revolutionary founder Ayatollah Khomeini, just outside Tehran, Iran. The Trump administration is preparing to designate Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps a “foreign terrorist organization” in an unprecedented move that could have widespread implications for U.S. personnel and policy. U.S. Officials say an announcement could come as early as Monday, April 8, 2019, following a months-long escalation in the administration’s rhetoric against Iran. The move would be the first such designation by any U.S. administration of an entire foreign government entity. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi, File)
WASHINGTON – President Donald Trump announced Monday that the U.S. is designating Iran's Revolutionary Guard a "foreign terrorist organization," in an effort to increase pressure on the country that could have significant diplomatic implications in the Middle East.
It is the first time that the U.S. has designated a part of another government as a terrorist organization.
The designation imposes sanctions that include freezes on assets the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps may have in U.S. jurisdictions and a ban on Americans doing business with it.
"This unprecedented step, led by the Department of State, recognizes the reality that Iran is not only a State Sponsor of Terrorism, but that the IRGC actively participates in, finances, and promotes terrorism as a tool of statecraft," Trump said in a statement.
Iran has threatened to retaliate for the decision.
The IRGC is a paramilitary organization formed in the wake of Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution to defend its clerically overseen government. The force answers only to Iran's supreme leader, operates independently of the regular military and has vast economic interests across the country.
The designation allows the U.S. to deny entry to people found to have provided the Guard with material support or prosecute them for sanctions violations. That could include European and Asian companies and businesspeople who deal with the Guard's many affiliates.
It will also complicate diplomacy. Without exclusions or waivers to the designation, U.S. troops and diplomats could be barred from contact with Iraqi or Lebanese authorities who interact with Guard officials or surrogates.
The Pentagon and U.S. intelligence agencies have raised concerns about the impact of the designation if the move does not allow contact with foreign officials who may have met with or communicated with Guard personnel. Those concerns have, in part, dissuaded previous administrations from taking the step, which has been considered for more than a decade.
The department currently designates 60 groups, such as al-Qaida and the Islamic State and their various affiliates, Hezbollah and numerous militant Palestinian factions, as "foreign terrorist organizations." But none of them is a state-run military.

WASHINGTON — President Trump said on Monday that he was designating a powerful arm of the Iranian military as a foreign terrorist organization, the first time that the United States had named a part of another nation’s government as such a threat and raising the risk of retaliation against American troops and intelligence officers.
The move, which has been debated at the highest levels within the administration, was imposed on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The military unit has carried out operations across the Middle East, trained Arab Shiite militias and taken part in a wide range of businesses in Iran.
The designation “underscores the fact that Iran’s actions are fundamentally different from those of other governments,” Mr. Trump said in a statement. “This action will significantly expand the scope and scale of our maximum pressure on the Iranian regime. It makes crystal clear the risks of conducting business with, or providing support to, the I.R.G.C.”
The action takes effect on April 15 and imposes wide-ranging economic and travel sanctions on the military unit as well as the organizations, companies or individuals that have ties to it — including officials in Iraq, an American ally. Some American officials said the broad terrorist designation potentially covers 11 million members of the Iranian group and affiliated organizations, including the large Basij volunteer militia. In a statement on Monday, the State Department singled out the Quds Force, an elite unit of the Revolutionary Guard that is led by Qassim Suleimani, as an especially nefarious element.
Top Pentagon and C.I.A. officials oppose the designation, which they argue would allow hard-line Iranian officials to justify deadly operations against Americans overseas, especially Special Operations units and paramilitary units working under the C.I.A.
An interagency lawyers group concluded the designation was too broad, but Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and John R. Bolton, the national security adviser, pushed for it, said a Trump administration official. The fighting among the senior administration officials intensified after The New York Times disclosed the pending designation last month.
After Mr. Trump’s announcement, Iran’s Supreme National Security Council said it was designating the United States Central Command, the part of the military that oversees operations in the Middle East, as a terrorist organization.
At the height of the Iraq War in the mid-2000s, Iranian military officials and partners helped train Iraqi Shiite militias to fight American troops. When the Islamic State, a radical Sunni group, took over large parts of Iraq and Syria in 2014, the Quds Force and other Iranian groups helped train Iraqi Shiite militias to work with the Iraqi Army in retaking the territory. The American military also took part in the campaign, meaning the Americans and Iranians were on the same side of the fight against the Islamic State.
Senior Iraqi officials are opposed to the new designation, as it could impose travel limits and economic sanctions on some lawmakers in the Shiite-led government who have ties to Iranian officials. The additional pressure on Iranian groups also could fuel a popular proposal among Iraqi parliamentarians to limit the movements and actions of 5,000 American troops based in Iraq.
Generally, Iraqi leaders say they oppose any sanctions because ordinary Iraqis suffered under broad United Nations economic penalties that were imposed after Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990.
Monday’s announcement came one day before the Israeli general elections, and the move on the Iranian group could give Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a boost in the final hours of his re-election campaign. Mr. Netanyahu has repeatedly raised the specter of the Iranian threat to Israel and tried to reinforce the notion that his close ties to Mr. Trump strengthen Israeli security.
After Mr. Trump’s morning announcement, Mr. Netanyahu thanked him on Twitter. “Once again you are keeping the world safe from Iran aggression and terrorism,” Mr. Nentayahu wrote.
Last month, in an explicit effort to bolster Mr. Netanyahu, Mr. Trump recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, which Israel seized from Syria in the 1967 war and annexed in 1981; the United Nations considers it occupied territory.
Mr. Netanyahu has stressed the dangers posed by Hezbollah, which was designated a foreign terrorist organization by the United States in 1997 and has close ties to the Revolutionary Guard. He had asserted recently that Hezbollah was trying to set up a base in the Golan Heights. Last month, after visiting with Mr. Netanyahu in Jerusalem, Mr. Pompeo flew to Lebanon and berated officials for tolerating Hezbollah, even though it is a part of the government in Beirut.
“There is a reason that successive administrations have held off designating the I.R.G.C. as a terrorist organization, and why many of Trump’s own military and intelligence officials are said to be highly opposed to the move: The potential blowback vastly outweighs the benefits,” said Jeffrey Prescott, who worked as a senior Middle East director at the White House National Security Council during the Obama administration.
“This isn’t about taking a tough approach to Iran’s support for terrorism,” Mr. Prescott said Monday. “Rather, it will put our service members in Iraq and throughout the region at additional risk with nothing to show in return.”
The Obama administration considered a series of actions against the Revolutionary Guard before entering into a nuclear deal with Tehran and world powers in 2015. Mr. Trump withdrew the United States from that agreement last year in the start of a series of crackdowns against Iran.
The Revolutionary Guard oversaw the previous Iranian nuclear program, and some of its top officers were sanctioned by the United States and the United Nations for their efforts.
The New Yorker reported in 2017 that the Trump Organization had been involved recently in a hotel project in Azerbaijan whose wealthy backers have ties to Iranians linked to the Revolutionary Guard.